[Free to Disagree] Rhizomatic politics: In reward of disunity

There was some quantity of buzz about unity lately.  This has been the results of the 2 rallies in opposition to corruption, one in Luneta and one on the Individuals Energy Monument, occurring on the identical day, November 30, 2025. The discussions about unity have been fueled additional by the speech of Cardinal Pablo Virgilio David made on the Trillion Peso March rally on the Individuals Energy Monument in EDSA, as to why we couldn’t unite with the folks in Luneta.

To be  clear,  I’m a member of the committee that organized the rally in EDSA as a result of I work with SIKLAB, the most important civil society formation among the many organizers which incorporates my group, Tindig Pilipinas.

There are two ranges of my rationalization as to  why I disagree with these calling for unity. One has to do with the particulars of the 2 teams who organized the 2 rallies. Nevertheless, I discover myself ready I’m not snug with as of late when folks wish to know the ins-and-outs of why the merging of the rallies didn’t happen. For one factor, there’s an moral line that one can’t cross in discussing inside issues.

For one more, the folks I’m speaking to both have a deep appreciation of the lengthy standing ideological variations and deep private hurts that divide sections of the Philippine left, whereas some don’t. Surprisingly sufficient those that know of that historical past and people who don’t,  are divided about whether or not unity might have been achieved and whether or not unity was fascinating.

Unity isn’t my factor

I’m a kind of who believes it couldn’t have been achieved. And I’ll go additional by saying I don’t discover this disunity detrimental to the purported minimal unified purpose of the present protests — accountability for many who plundered authorities funds meant for fund management initiatives.

Slightly, let me put myself on report by saying that lengthy earlier than this present controversy, I’ve been dissatisfied with our political discourse round unity. Referring once more to my group, Tindig Pilipinas, years in the past  I wrote for us an inside doc on unity and organizing. This was throughout these depressing occasions after we had been one of many only a few teams, and maybe the most important political bloc, that was in opposition to the Duterte administration and its genocidal drug conflict. In that paper, I unpacked ideas of unity within the gentle of a coalitional ethics dedicated to human rights, justice and transformation.

On this thought piece due to this fact, I’ve no intention of rehashing debates concerning the Philippine left and its disarray besides the place it would illustrate my level about why I’ve come to imagine that unity is a millstone that we should always now not cling round our progressive necks.

Present disunities

I’ll begin off with present occasions nevertheless. In lots of the interviews I’ve undertaken in conventional and new media, the difficulty of unity with the Luneta group has typically been requested. My “aha” second got here once I realized that not one of the media ever requested me about why our rally had no intention of supporting or uniting with the rally of the Iglesia Ni Cristo (INC), which had equally introduced an enormous rally for democracy and transparency within the gentle of the corruption disaster.

I’m not being disingenuous. I agree with the implied evaluation of that non-question, that these of us who had chosen to ally with the Catholic Church and a few evangelical church buildings had little or no in widespread with the INC rally. The non-question accurately assumes that even when the slogans and calls appeared the identical, there is no such thing as a foundation for unity.

This query of who my present allies are among the many non secular formations is one that’s pertinent to me particularly — a lifelong agnostic who was a very long time opponent  of the Philippine Catholic hierarchy in the course of the lengthy wrestle for the passage of the reproductive well being legislation. Certainly throughout these days, we had been  allied with the INC who had taken a extra progressive place on the reproductive well being invoice and using contraceptives.

There may be due to this fact an implied evaluation underpinning the decision for the factions that organized the 2 separate rallies on November 30 to unite. The evaluation implies that our variations couldn’t be as basic as these we had with the INC rallies.

I’ll add that the general public pronouncements of those that went to Luneta appear to just accept this name for unity as they expressed harm, dismay or had been downright essential of Cardinal David’s  phrases that it was “not but” time to unite.

Which brings us to the unlucky deadlock caused by our understanding of the political positions and situational analyses of the 2 teams — it’s both you imagine we should unite, otherwise you imagine we should not. A  “no we are able to’t versus sure we are able to” state of affairs or, when you want to blame the EDSA aspect for the issue,  a “no we are able to’t, sure you may” debate.

Rhizomatic politics

This quite lengthy introduction isn’t meant to obfuscate regardless of its try at reductive simplicity. It’s an try quite to get to my essential level about how the pursuit of unity comes from an understanding of politics I now not imagine in.

Slightly I’ll draw on an increasing physique of literature of political philosophers like Gauttari and Deleuze who of their work Capitalism and Schizophrenia talked a few totally different manner of viewing resistance. Their view is that resistance takes place at totally different occasions, elsewhere, and in non-linear methods. It is a viewpoint referred to as “rhizomatic politics’. “Rhizomatic” derives from the metaphor of the foundation system of rhizomes.

An simply grasped instance is the ginger plant, our plain, on a regular basis “luya.” Their proposition is that social motion enlargement occurs with none noticeable middle or quite has quite a few facilities or nodes. It is usually a community that although interconnected has quite a few connections that aren’t all the time high to backside nor one the place smaller roots join solely to equally small ones, earlier than they join collectively into an even bigger root.

This view of energy and resistance makes distinctions between peripheries and facilities much less distinguishable, and makes hierarchies of points unimportant. For me the speculation additionally captures the dynamic nature of coalitions and alliances, one thing any long-term activist has come to just accept as actuality. The roots of the luya plant join however not in any hierarchical and linear manner.

I’m conscious that it is a thought piece not a protracted  and well-argued contribution to an educational publication. So I shall try to get again to the query of  unity by asking a query of my very own: how does one steadiness the decision of unity with the acceptance of variety? Or higher but: how does one view unity inside a undertaking of democratic resistance?

We now have fairly often stated we worth variety within the social actions whereas on the similar time selling unity. And but, there’s much less dialogue about how these two disparate entities could be bridged. My reply is that they can’t be bridged, at the very least not completely, and I don’t assume there’s power in flattening and scaling down the rhizomatic community of resistances for the sake of order.

It’s as a result of the folks, not within the sense {that a} nation has a folks or a management should serve the folks, however within the sense that philosophers like Hardt and Negri name them “the multitude.” will all the time be heterogenous. We’re divided by place, time, needs, race, nationality, class, gender, caste, class, religions, talents, inclinations and so forth. It’s the truth is this heterogeneity from which all creativity springs. A politics that doesn’t search unity however solely short-term alliance greatest displays this heterogeneity. I might add that I now not take a prescriptive strategy as to who ought to join and on what difficulty however an empirical one: “oh, that alliance occurred now let’s see why as a way to plan our subsequent steps”.

Against this radically democratic view of the variety of the multitudes is our present conception of “unity”. The concept if we should,  as aware actors,  discover methods to unite in order that we are able to obtain our goals within the quickest attainable manner. My cynicism  over unity, used on this sense,  derives from my expertise as a feminist of my  technology. Within the Nineteen Eighties and Nineties males of all stripes of the left accused these of us bringing in an evaluation of patriarchy to  enrich class evaluation as being “divisive.” That wrestle by the way in which, although much less intense, has not been gained. However as I’m conscious that these whose curiosity on this difficulty has sustained them to learn this far are sick of left bickering, I’d level out that each fascist together with former president Rodrigo Duterte has relied on calls of unity to justify their persecution and even homicide of these outlined as exterior the united physique politic.

Understanding that unity is “acquired information” for myself and others who grew up believing themselves to be progressive, I have to make the disclaimer that I’m not saying that these calling for unity are fascist. I’ll make the attraction nevertheless for a distinct understanding that creates room as a result of we now not must expend a lot power worrying about our variations.

The dynamism of flows

Troublesome as this proposition of rhizomatic politics might sound, it really coheres with my expertise of lifelong activism first in the course of the anti-dictatorship struggles of the Marcos years and as much as immediately. There has by no means been a left unity. A really giant part of the left was not at EDSA 1 even when their sacrifices had been a lot part of what made the 1986 revolution attainable.

The nationwide democratic forces who boycotted EDSA I  have lengthy  admitted that error.  However let me add that as one who argued inside the Communist Social gathering of the Philippines for participation at the moment, I now imagine that our mistake was that we thought that we might  predict and actualize when that historic second of the dictatorship’s downfall would arrive via our personal programmatic efforts and that due to this fact, it  would occur in keeping with our parameters.

The ebb and move of power inside the rhizomatic community is unpredictable and nobody individual or group can inform which specific node will achieve prominence, enlarge and are available to ripeness. This isn’t to negate human company however to place it additionally as an alternative. We should wrestle as we should, attending to the bottom which we meet whether or not barren or fertile. However solely the entire community, the lots of their multitude, determines the when and the place of what connects and what floor is reworked and the way vast is that transformation. Briefly, transformation is all the time occurring, conjunctures and dysjunctures are all the time occurring, and all of us wait in good religion for these moments in historical past when giant transformations occur.

I measure progress (or the shortage of it) not simply within the lifeless and decaying middle of the system that has introduced us this plunder however within the poor communities of reached by my group Likhaan, the place there are much less unplanned pregnancies and better ranges of met contraceptive demand for a whole bunch of 1000’s of ladies. The transformation occurring in these communities stays a node that’s markedly energetic and wholesome however one that doesn’t contribute all its pressure to the present motion for accountability. And that, in my thoughts, is a virtuous disunity.

Passive, defeatist 

There may be after all way more to debate. I depart for instance the query of whether or not rhizomatic politics is basically passive and defeatist. A conception of resistance that guarantees solely remoted silos of very small significance. One which rejects metanarratives of progressive change.

However that could be a dialogue for one more day. I can reply for the second, based mostly on what I’ve stated up to now, that my political ethics encourages me to observe my political passions as a result of they come up from that a part of the bottom–my  a part of the “commons”, to introduce one more time period utilized by these theorists of rhizomatic politics. It then calls for that I see distinction and variety as folks reacting to their floor. I search fixed conversations and debates,  figuring out that consensus will attain solely what it may well, and it’ll all the time be short-term. Unities are all the time already current as a lot as there are breaks.

What’s essential is not only what wrestle we select however how we select to wrestle. Within the gentle of variety, respectful dialogue and moral coalitional apply are the instruments by which we create short-term although significant alliances that nonetheless lead to progress.

I’ll finish with a citation from the thinker Michelle Foucault from his guide, The Delivery of Biopolitics:  “A logic of technique doesn’t stress contradictory phrases inside a homogeneity that guarantees their decision in a unity. The perform of strategic logic is to ascertain the attainable connections between disparate phrases which stay disparate. The logic of technique is the logic of connections between the heterogeneous and never the logic of the homogenization of the contradictory.” – Rappler.com

Sylvia Estrada Claudio is professor emerita of the Division of Ladies and Growth Research, Faculty of Social Work and Group Growth, College of the Philippines, Diliman. She can also be co-founder and Chair of the Board of Likhaan, a sexual and reproductive well being group delivering providers via organizing girls in poor communities.