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Home»Opinion»Contributor: Do not rely on regime change to stabilize Venezuela
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Contributor: Do not rely on regime change to stabilize Venezuela

Buzzin DailyBy Buzzin DailyNovember 12, 2025No Comments6 Mins Read
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Contributor: Do not rely on regime change to stabilize Venezuela
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As the united statesGerald Ford plane service sails to the Caribbean, the U.S. army continues putting drug-carrying boats off the Venezuelan coast and the Trump administration debates what to do about Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro, one factor appears sure: Venezuela and the western hemisphere would all be higher off if Maduro packed his baggage and spent his remaining years in exile.

That is actually what Venezuelan opposition chief María Corina Machado is working towards. This yr’s Nobel Prize laureate has spent a lot of her time not too long ago within the U.S. lobbying policymakers to squeeze Maduro into vacating energy. Always prone to detention in her personal nation, Machado is granting interviews and dialing into conferences to advocate for regime change. Her speaking factors are clearly tailor-made for the Trump administration: Maduro is the pinnacle of a drug cartel that’s poisoning People; his dictatorship rests on weak pillars; and the forces of democracy inside Venezuela are totally ready to grab the mantle as soon as Maduro is gone. “We’re able to take over authorities,” Machado informed Bloomberg Information in an October interview.

However because the outdated saying goes, if it sounds too good to be true, it in all probability is. Whereas there’s no disputing that Maduro is a despot and a fraud who steals elections, U.S. policymakers can’t merely take what Machado is saying as a right. Washington realized this the exhausting method within the lead-up to the warfare in Iraq, when an opposition chief named Ahmed Chalabi bought U.S. policymakers a invoice of products about how painless rebuilding a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq can be. Everyone knows how the story turned out — america stumbled into an occupation that sucked up U.S. assets, unleashed unpredicted regional penalties and proved tougher than its proponents initially claimed.

To be honest, Machado is not any Chalabi. The latter was a fraudster; the previous is the pinnacle of an opposition motion whose candidate, Edmundo González Urrutia, gained two-thirds of the vote through the 2024 Venezuelan presidential election (Maduro claimed victory anyway and compelled González into exile). However simply because her motives are good doesn’t imply we shouldn’t query her assertions.

Would regime change in Caracas produce the Western-style democracy Machado and her supporters anticipate? None of us can rule it out. However the Trump administration can’t financial institution on this as the end result of a post-Maduro future. Different situations are simply as doubtless, if no more so — and a few of them might result in larger violence for Venezuelans and extra issues for U.S. coverage in Latin America.

The massive drawback with regime change is you’ll be able to by no means be totally certain what is going to occur after the incumbent chief is eliminated. Such operations are by their very nature harmful and destabilizing; political orders are intentionally shattered, the haves develop into have-nots, and constituencies used to holding the reins of energy all of the sudden discover themselves as outsiders. When Hussein was deposed in Iraq, the army officers, Ba’ath Celebration loyalists and regime-tied sycophants who dominated the roost for practically a quarter-century have been pressured to make do with a wholly new scenario. The Sunni-dominated construction was overturned, and members of the Shia majority, beforehand oppressed, have been now eagerly taking their place on the high of the system. This, mixed with the U.S. determination to bar anybody related to the outdated regime from serving in state positions, fed the elements for a large-scale insurgency that challenged the brand new authorities, precipitated a civil warfare and killed tens of 1000’s of Iraqis.

Regime change can even create whole absences of authority, because it did in Libya after the 2011 U.S.-NATO intervention there. Very similar to Maduro right now, Moammar Kadafi was a reviled determine whose demise was presupposed to pave the best way for a democratic utopia in North Africa. The truth was something however. As a substitute, Kadafi’s removing sparked battle between Libya’s main tribal alliances, competing governments and the proliferation of terrorist teams in a rustic simply south of the European Union. Fifteen years later, Libya stays a basket case of militias, warlords and weak establishments.

In contrast to Iraq and Libya, Venezuela has expertise in democratic governance. It held comparatively free and honest elections up to now and doesn’t endure from the sorts of sectarian rifts related to states within the Center East.

Nonetheless, that is chilly consolation for these anticipating a democratic transition. Certainly, for such a transition to achieve success, the Venezuelan military must be on board with it, both by sitting on the sidelines as Maduro’s regime collapses, actively arresting Maduro and his high associates, or agreeing to modify its assist to the brand new authorities. However once more, this can be a tall order, notably for a military whose management is a core side of the Maduro regime’s survival, has grown used to creating obscene quantities of cash from criminality below the desk and whose members are implicated in human rights abuses. The exact same elites who profited handsomely from the outdated system must cooperate with the brand new one. This doesn’t seem doubtless, particularly if their piece of the pie will shrink the second Maduro leaves.

Lastly, whereas regime change may sound like treatment to the issue that’s Venezuela, it would simply compound the difficulties over time. Though Maduro’s regime’s remit is already restricted, its full dissolution might usher in a free-for-all between parts of the previous authorities, drug trafficking organizations and established armed teams just like the Colombian Nationwide Liberation Military, which have lengthy handled Venezuela as a base of operations. Any post-Maduro authorities would have issue managing all of this on the similar time it makes an attempt to restructure the Venezuelan economic system and rebuild its establishments. The Trump administration would then be going through the prospect of Venezuela serving as a fair greater supply of medicine and migration, the very final result the White Home is working to stop.

In the long run, María Corina Machado might show to be proper. However she is promoting a best-case assumption. The U.S. shouldn’t purchase it. Democracy after Maduro is feasible however is hardly the one doable outcome — and it’s actually not the more than likely.

Daniel R. DePetris is a fellow at Protection Priorities.

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